1. Introduction

Lebanon has experienced significant political and socio-economic transformations in recent years. Since 2019, the country has faced a series of challenges, starting with the October 2019 revolution, which was followed by an unprecedented financial crisis that deeply affected the Lebanese population. This was compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, which, like many other nations, took a heavy toll on Lebanon. The 2022 parliamentary elections introduced a new dynamic to the political landscape, with twelve independent MPs—unaffiliated with traditional political parties but aligned with the 2019 uprising—securing seats in Parliament.

Although municipal elections were initially scheduled for 2022, they were postponed, and this delay was repeated in 2023 and 2024. Despite this, a significant number of municipalities across Lebanon have been either malfunctioning or are not functioning at all. The country is now set to hold municipal elections in May 2025, marking the first such elections since 2016.

The newly formed government, headed by Judge Nawaf Salam, has repeatedly confirmed that local elections will take place as planned, with no possibility of further postponement. However, some experts have raised concerns about a potential technical delay.

Municipal councils in Lebanon are entrusted with overseeing a variety of functions within designated geographic areas. These responsibilities encompass a wide range of tasks, such as the maintenance of roads, the management of public services including schools and hospitals, the establishment of cultural centers like museums and libraries, the provision of waste collection services, and ensuring general social welfare.

The members of the municipal council are elected through direct popular vote for a term of six years. Unlike legislative elections, municipal elections do not allocate seats based on sectarian representation, thereby distinguishing the municipal electoral process from that of the national legislature.

As of today, Lebanon is home to 1,059 municipalities, which represent cities, towns, or clusters of smaller villages. However, more than 100 municipalities have been dissolved due to the resignation, death, or absence of members, or for other reasons, with the district governor or administrative head assuming responsibility for their governance.

The legal foundation for the municipal system in Lebanon was established with the enactment of the Municipalities Law of 1977. While this law laid the groundwork for the current system, the circumstances of the Lebanese Civil War significantly hindered its full implementation. It was only after the war that discussions on municipal reform and the organization of municipal elections resurfaced, albeit in a markedly different socio-political context. Despite the law’s historical significance, the interest in reforming Lebanon’s municipal system and holding municipal elections was revived only after the war’s end, signaling a new era of governance and local political dynamics.

The discourse surrounding governance in Lebanon has shifted significantly over the years. The once prominent discussions on good governance, local governance, and the role of local authorities have gradually diminished, giving way to debates focused largely on the challenges surrounding the postponement of elections or, more controversially, the subject of federalism.

Federalism has become a deeply divisive issue within Lebanese society, with opponents arguing that it could pave the way for the country’s partition. Amid these debates, the conversation on legal reform for local governance has almost stalled since 2018. Despite the ongoing discussions in parliament regarding a new decentralization law, progress has been painfully slow. Over the past three decades, six drafts have been proposed, with the most recent draft by Ziad Baroud being hailed as a credible model that could potentially lead to a more decentralized governance structure in Lebanon.

This situation is further compounded by the historical backdrop of the Taif Agreement, which, while formally ending the Lebanese Civil War, also called for significant decentralization reforms to be implemented in the country. However, the vision laid out by the Taif Agreement in terms of local governance has yet to be fully realized. The need for comprehensive reform, both legal and operational, remains more pressing than ever, as Lebanon continues to grapple with a deeply fractured political system and a population increasingly disillusioned with institutional inertia.

Returning to the parliamentary elections mentioned earlier, the Hasbaya-Marjeyoun region was one of the unexpected areas where the independent movement achieved a remarkable victory, securing two seats—an outcome that surprised many across the country. Despite the absence of academic research or extensive papers examining the factors behind this achievement, the result can be largely attributed to two key factors. Firstly, the public opinion in the region, particularly in Hasbaya province, was strongly aligned with the revolutionary mood and discourse emerging from the 2019 uprising. Secondly, the traditional political parties’ candidates failed to meet the public’s expectations, leading to a backlash against their electoral lists. These dynamics played a pivotal role in the region’s shift towards independent candidates, marking a significant shift in local political sentiments and highlighting the changing landscape of Lebanon’s political environment.

The research questions guiding this study were determined before the full-scale war in southern Lebanon “How do the people of Hasbaya perceive political participation at the local level, and what are the societal attitudes toward women’s and youth engagement in municipal governance?”

However, the data collection phase took place after January 2025, during which the war had significant implications on the research process. One of the key limitations faced was the impact of the conflict on the Hasbaya region, particularly in the Al-Arkoub area, which was the most heavily affected during the war. The villages of Chebaa, Kfarshouba, and Kfarhamam experienced hundreds of destroyed houses and severe infrastructure damage, making it challenging to conduct fieldwork, particularly in the focus groups. Although the survey was less affected, the logistical and security constraints posed obstacles to data collection and participant recruitment.

This paper examines political participation, perceptions of local authorities, and women’s involvement in the political sphere in Hasbaya, a district in southern Lebanon. Hasbaya is part of the Nabatieh Governorate and shares borders with Syria to the east and the districts of Marjeyoun and Rachaya (UNDP, 2018). The region is characterized by its mountainous terrain, with the Hasbani River flowing through it, contributing to its agricultural economy, particularly in olive and grape cultivation. Hasbaya has a diverse population, including a significant Druze community alongside other religious groups, reflecting Lebanon’s sectarian composition. The district contains historical landmarks, including the Chehabi Citadel, which has served as a political and military stronghold since the medieval period (Salibi, 1988). Throughout history, Hasbaya has played a role in regional politics and conflicts, particularly during the Lebanese Civil War and the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon from 1982 to 2000. During this period, parts of Hasbaya were under the Israeli occupied “security zone,” affecting the local population economically and socially (Sayigh, 1997). Following the Israeli withdrawal in 2000, the district was reintegrated into the Lebanese state. Today, Hasbaya remains a center for political and social activity in southern Lebanon, with ongoing efforts to develop its infrastructure and economy while preserving its historical and cultural identity.

2. Methodology

This paper employed a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods. Three focus groups were conducted as part of the qualitative approach. The first group consisted of youth under 30, most of whom had at least an undergraduate degree or were currently enrolled in a Bachelor’s program at the time of the session. The second group included a diverse mix of women residing in the Hasbaya province, while the third group was a combination of both youth and women.

In addition to the focus groups, a survey was administered to 350 participants from various villages, including residents of Hasbaya, those living in Beirut, and members of the diaspora. The survey, developed by two experts, aimed to assess political participation, local governance, and public perceptions of the role of local authorities, as well as opinions on local governance reforms. A gendered approach was employed in the survey design, with different questions directed to women and men. Additionally, as part of the research process, we filmed interviews with mayors both during and after the war, capturing the evolving governance challenges in the region. These interviews provided critical insights into how local authorities navigated the crisis and the long-term implications for governance and citizen participation in Hasbaya.

The primary data collected through focus groups and surveys was supplemented by a secondary literature review, which included reports, articles, and relevant academic papers. However, the main focus of the study was on the qualitative research methods, providing deeper insights into the lived experiences and perspectives of the participants.

Demographics: A total of 350 individuals participated in the survey. The respondents were fairly balanced in terms of gender, with 184 women and 166 men.

Age Distribution: The majority of participants were between the ages of 25-34 (99 respondents), followed by 18-24 (80 respondents) and 35-44 (67 respondents), indicating strong engagement from younger age groups.

Education Levels: Most respondents held a university degree (178 people), followed by secondary education (87 people) and postgraduate studies (some respondents), showing that the surveyed population is relatively well-educated.

Employment Status: The largest group of respondents were employed (145 people), while a significant number were unemployed (68 people) or self-employed (58 people), reflecting diverse socio-economic conditions in the region.

Residence Patterns: A large proportion of respondents (253 individuals) reside in their hometowns, while others are either living in Beirut or abroad, highlighting migration trends in the area.

3. Local Governance and Political Participation in Hasbaya

As part of the research, the survey was conducted to assess public perceptions of local governance, political participation, and service provision in the Hasbaya region. The primary objective was to identify key challenges and opportunities for improving governance at the municipal level, with a specific focus on decentralization, transparency, and the role of women in local governance. Additionally, the survey aimed to gauge the level of public engagement in municipal affairs and evaluate citizens’ views on the effectiveness of municipal councils and their accountability. 

As discussions surrounding municipal elections gain momentum in the country in recent months, the political climate has provided a conducive environment for exploring governance and political participation. Engaging citizens in direct conversations about these topics was not met with resistance. During focus group discussions, participants often reflected on past election outcomes and their implications, employing a retrospective analytical approach to anticipate future results. This method of learning from past experiences led to the development of a set of recommendations, which this paper will explore in its concluding section. Notably, the focus group findings aligned closely with survey results across most thematic areas, reinforcing the validity of the collected data. Responses were also influenced by participants’ local contexts; for instance, individuals from a town with a generally positive experience with municipal authorities exhibited responses that mirrored this sentiment collectively. This pattern was observed in at least two villages.

One of the critical findings related to governance and political participation was the disparity between past electoral engagement and willingness to participate in citizen-led municipal evaluations. Survey data indicated that 57% of men and 49% of women had participated in the last municipal elections. However, when asked about their willingness to engage in citizen-led initiatives assessing municipal performance, only 20% of both men and women expressed an interest. This trend was corroborated by focus group discussions, where several participants conveyed an openness to joining or leading such initiatives, contingent on receiving adequate support. A recurring theme in these discussions was the necessity of municipal authorities’ engagement. As one respondent noted, “In case there is an initiative, local authorities must engage with us and listen to us; otherwise, no one can continue.” These findings suggest that while a considerable segment of the population is open to greater involvement in governance, the availability of effective engagement mechanisms is a prerequisite. Initiatives such as public forums, social accountability tools, and community audits could play a pivotal role in fostering greater civic participation.

Evaluating Municipal Performance and Transparency

To gain a clearer understanding of public sentiment, the survey included a series of questions evaluating the performance of local municipalities. The results indicated a generally negative perception of municipal governance:

• Among male respondents, 32% rated municipal performance as acceptable, 26% as weak, 20% as good, 13% as very poor, and only 8% as excellent.
• Female respondents exhibited slightly more critical assessments, with 30% considering municipal performance acceptable, 28% rating it weak, 22% as good, 14% as very poor, and 6% as excellent.

Regarding transparency in municipal decision-making, perceptions were similarly negative:

• 50% of men and 60% of women believed municipal decision-making lacked transparency.
• 25% of men and 30% of women considered decision-making somewhat transparent.
• 25% of men and only 10% of women regarded municipal decision-making as fully transparent.

When asked whether municipalities adequately addressed citizens’ needs:

• 25% of men believed they did, while 50% disagreed, and 25% felt they met citizens’ needs to some extent.
• Among women, 20% believed municipalities met citizens’ needs, 58% disagreed, and 22% stated they did to some extent.

The survey further examined the perceived necessity of stronger accountability mechanisms for municipal officials:

• 70% of men and 75% of women called for more robust accountability measures.
• 20% of men and 15% of women found current mechanisms sufficient.
• 10% of both men and women were indifferent on the matter.

To further explore potential drivers of increased civic engagement, the survey identified key motivators for greater participation in municipal affairs. The top incentives were as follow:

• Men:
  • 50% emphasized the importance of greater transparency in municipal work.
  • 30% sought more opportunities for direct engagement.
  • 20% called for stronger accountability mechanisms.
• Women:
  • 55% prioritized greater transparency in municipal work.
  • 25% sought more opportunities for direct engagement.
  • 20% emphasized the need for stronger accountability mechanisms.

Quantitative Approach: Measuring Satisfaction Through Statistical Analysis

1. Defining Satisfaction Indicators

To systematically assess public satisfaction with municipal governance, we identified key performance indicators derived from survey responses. These indicators include:

• Municipal Performance Ratings (Excellent, Good, Acceptable, Weak, Very Poor)
• Participation in Municipal Elections (Yes, No, Ineligible to Vote)
• Perceived Transparency in Decision-Making (Fully Transparent, Somewhat Transparent, Not Transparent)
• Municipal Responsiveness to Citizen Needs (Meets Needs, Partially Meets Needs, Does Not Meet Needs)
• Trust in Central Government’s Support for Municipalities (Adequate, Insufficient but Present, No Support)

Each of these indicators serves as a metric for evaluating the perceived efficiency, responsiveness, and legitimacy of municipal authorities.

2. Data Collection and Standardization

Survey responses were extracted and categorized based on positive (satisfied) and negative (dissatisfied) perceptions. The classification method employed the following criteria:

• Responses rated as “Good” or “Excellent” were classified as positive indicators of satisfaction.
• Responses rated as “Weak” or “Very Poor” were categorized as negative indicators.

By applying this classification, the study was able to numerically quantify satisfaction levels for each municipality, ensuring an objective and measurable comparison.

3. Comparative Analysis Across Municipalities

To analyze variations in satisfaction levels across different municipalities, the following metrics were calculated:

• Total Responses per Municipality (baseline for comparison)
• Positive Feedback Count (number of respondents rating governance positively)
• Positive Feedback Percentage (positive responses as a proportion of total responses per municipality)

This approach facilitated an accurate comparison of satisfaction levels without being skewed by population size. The results indicate a significant disparity among municipalities:

• Hasbaya Town recorded the highest satisfaction rate at 51.4%.
• Al-Fardis demonstrated a moderate satisfaction rate of 17.8%.
• Al-Mari and Al-Majidiya (9.8%), Kfar Shouba (9.5%), and Ain Qinya (3.5%) exhibited lower satisfaction levels.

These findings suggest that satisfaction with municipal governance varies considerably between localities, highlighting the need for localized policy interventions.

Qualitative Approach: Understanding the Perceptions of Satisfaction

Evaluating the Factors Behind Satisfaction

To complement the quantitative analysis, qualitative data from open-ended survey responses were examined. The objective was to identify the underlying factors that influenced respondents’ perceptions of municipal governance.

Findings indicate that municipalities with higher satisfaction levels (e.g., Hasbaya) were characterized by:

• Moderate efficiency in waste management and road maintenance.
• Effective communication between municipal officials and residents.
• Greater transparency in budgeting and decision-making processes.

Conversely, municipalities with lower satisfaction scores were often associated with:

• Perceived corruption and misallocation of public funds.
• Lack of transparency and accessibility in municipal decision-making.
• Inefficiency in service delivery, particularly in infrastructure development and economic opportunities.

The overall findings indicate a substantial degree of dissatisfaction with municipal governance, with women exhibiting slightly more critical evaluations. The data suggests a prevalent perception of inefficiencies in municipal service delivery, limited responsiveness to citizen needs, and a lack of transparency in decision-making processes.

Transparency is a fundamental component of fostering trust between local authorities and residents, and the survey results underscore an urgent need for greater openness in municipal operations. While both men and women placed transparency at the top of their priorities, women exhibited a slightly greater emphasis on this factor. These findings suggest that increasing public access to municipal decision-making and enhancing communication between officials and citizens could significantly improve participation rates. To assess public satisfaction with municipal governance in Hasbaya, a mixed-methods approach was employed, integrating quantitative survey analysis with qualitative insights from focus group discussions. This approach provided a comprehensive understanding of the public’s perceptions, grievances, and motivations. The findings reveal a consistent pattern of dissatisfaction, particularly regarding transparency and accountability, but also demonstrate a willingness to engage in governance processes if mechanisms for meaningful participation are made available. These insights highlight the need for strategic interventions, including enhanced transparency measures, participatory governance structures, and stronger accountability frameworks, to bridge the gap between local authorities and citizens and foster a more inclusive municipal governance system. This study presents a comprehensive understanding of governance satisfaction in Hasbaya. Municipalities with higher satisfaction scores demonstrated stronger engagement, service efficiency, and institutional transparency, while those with lower satisfaction faced governance failures, trust deficits, and service delivery shortcomings.

4. Decentralization, National Governance, and Municipal Unions in Hasbaya

Decentralization reform in Lebanon has long been debated as a necessary step toward enhancing governance, local development, and citizen participation. The Lebanese Constitution highlights the importance of “extensive administrative decentralization,” acknowledging that centralized governance has often failed to meet the diverse needs of the country’s regions. However, decentralization in Lebanon is not merely a technical reform but a politically sensitive issue, as it directly affects the distribution of power and resources within the country’s sectarian framework . The failure of centralized governance has reinforced the need for decentralization, particularly in light of Lebanon’s ongoing political and economic crises. Proponents argue that empowering municipalities through fiscal and administrative decentralization can lead to more efficient service delivery, greater transparency, and increased public trust. Local governance reforms could also help bridge the gap between the state and citizens, addressing longstanding issues of corruption, inefficiency, and uneven development. Despite its potential benefits, the implementation of decentralization faces significant obstacles. Political elites remain hesitant to relinquish control over resources, fearing a shift in power dynamics. The findings derived from both the focus groups and survey responses offer valuable insights into public perceptions of decentralization, the role of the central government in municipal governance, and the effectiveness of municipal unions in enhancing local governance structures. These results provide a nuanced understanding of the existing challenges and potential opportunities for governance reform, particularly in the Hasbaya region, where participants voiced strong opinions regarding the performance of both municipal and national authorities. A significant pattern that emerged from the focus group discussions was the widespread acknowledgment that change is necessary at the local level. However, despite this consensus, many participants demonstrated a limited understanding of the specific responsibilities and functions of local authorities. This knowledge gap was particularly evident concerning municipal unions, as many attendees recognized their existence but remained largely unaware of their role in governance. In Hasbaya, two municipal unions operate—the Hasbani Municipal Union and Ittihad al-Arkoub. Despite their presence, they appear to have minimal visibility in terms of their tangible contributions to local governance. This was clearly illustrated when one female participant candidly expressed her thoughts, stating, “We see them, but we don’t know their work.”

Decentralization remains a widely supported concept among respondents, with 70.1% expressing favor for a more decentralized governance system. However, 18.1% of respondents admitted they were unfamiliar with the differences between centralized and decentralized governance, while 11.7% opposed decentralization altogether. The broader discourse on decentralization in Lebanon continues to be a focal point of governance discussions, reflecting widespread discontent with the existing centralized system. When surveyed, 60% of male respondents expressed support for a stronger decentralization framework, while 30% advocated for a more limited form of decentralization, and 10% opposed the concept altogether. Among women, the inclination toward decentralization was even more pronounced, with 65% favoring a more robust decentralization model, 25% supporting limited decentralization, and 10% opposing any decentralization reforms.

Furthermore, the survey sought to evaluate public trust in the central government’s support for municipalities, particularly in terms of financial and administrative backing. Among male respondents, 40% expressed the belief that municipal authorities receive no substantial support from the central government, while 30% acknowledged the existence of some degree of assistance, though they deemed it insufficient, and 30% believed that municipalities receive adequate government backing. Women, however, displayed an even greater level of skepticism toward the role of the central government in municipal affairs. Their responses indicated that 50% believed that municipalities receive no meaningful support, 35% acknowledged the presence of some assistance but considered it inadequate, and only 15% believed that municipal authorities receive sufficient support from the central government. 

Municipal unions:

The role of municipal unions in governance and service delivery elicited mixed responses from both the focus groups and the survey, reflecting varying expectations and skepticism regarding their effectiveness. Many participants viewed municipal unions as essential for coordinating joint municipal projects, particularly in infrastructure development that benefits multiple towns. Others saw them as drivers of regional economic growth, with a role in developing and implementing strategic plans to enhance local economies. Some respondents believed that municipal unions should provide administrative and technical support to weaker municipalities, ensuring that smaller or less resourced localities could access necessary funding and expertise. Additionally, a few participants suggested that municipal unions should act as representatives for municipalities at the national level, advocating for local governance interests within the central government. However, despite these expectations, skepticism surrounding municipal unions was prevalent. Many participants perceived them as largely ineffective, primarily due to corruption and inefficiency, arguing that they function more as extensions of political clientelism rather than as independent entities improving governance. Additionally, there was a lack of clear understanding of their functionality, with many respondents admitting they were unsure about what municipal unions actually do, highlighting a communication gap in their operations. The research results through survey and focus group highlight a strong preference for greater decentralization, driven by dissatisfaction with the central government’s perceived neglect of local municipalities. However, barriers such as a lack of public awareness about governance structures and concerns over municipal capacity must be addressed to ensure a smooth transition.

Key Findings: The findings from both the survey and focus groups highlight a strong preference for decentralization among respondents, with a significant majority supporting a shift toward more localized governance structures. This broad endorsement is primarily driven by the belief that greater municipal autonomy could enhance efficiency and service delivery, allowing local governments to make decisions that are more attuned to the specific needs of their communities. Many respondents expressed frustration with the bureaucratic inefficiencies of the central government, arguing that excessive centralization often delays or obstructs critical local initiatives. Additionally, the perceived lack of adequate support from national authorities for municipal governance emerged as a dominant concern. Many participants pointed to slow response times, insufficient financial backing, and weak coordination between local and national levels, reinforcing the idea that decentralization could serve as a corrective mechanism to bridge this gap. Furthermore, a pronounced sense of marginalization, particularly among residents of Hasbaya and surrounding towns, fueled support for decentralization, with many arguing that their region has been historically neglected by central authorities. This perception has led to the belief that decentralization could empower municipalities to advocate more effectively for their communities and implement regionally tailored policies that better reflect local needs.

Despite this strong inclination toward decentralization, some respondents expressed hesitations and concerns about its feasibility. A significant portion admitted to having limited knowledge of the distinctions between centralized and decentralized governance, suggesting a pressing need for public education on governance structures and their implications. Others questioned whether local governments possess the institutional capacity to manage increased responsibilities, fearing that the devolution of power without proper oversight and training could lead to mismanagement and corruption at the municipal level. Additionally, a minority of respondents preferred a strong central government to ensure uniform policies and to prevent potential political fragmentation at the local level. These concerns highlight the complexity of decentralization reform, emphasizing the need for gradual implementation accompanied by robust institutional capacity-building.

The skepticism toward the central government’s role in municipal governance was further reinforced by respondents’ concerns regarding funding allocation and political favoritism. Many believed that financial transfers from the central government to municipalities are insufficient and fail to keep up with the rising costs of service provision, particularly amid Lebanon’s ongoing economic crisis. Some respondents noted that these allocations are still calculated based on outdated exchange rates, further diminishing their real value. Political considerations were also seen as a determining factor in municipal funding, with multiple participants arguing that municipalities not aligned with ruling factions receive less financial support than those with political ties to national authorities. This perception of political marginalization has contributed to a broader sentiment of distrust toward centralized governance. Additionally, many respondents referenced historical neglect, emphasizing that their towns and municipalities have been overlooked for decades, both during and after periods of conflict.

Municipal unions, while theoretically a mechanism for improving regional governance, are also met with significant skepticism. Respondents largely viewed these unions as ineffective due to corruption, inefficiency, and lack of transparency. There was a strong sense that municipal unions operate as politically driven entities rather than as institutions genuinely focused on improving governance and service delivery. This suggests that any meaningful decentralization reform must address these structural weaknesses and build stronger public engagement mechanisms to foster trust in governance institutions at both local and national levels. Addressing concerns over financial autonomy, institutional capacity, and political impartiality will be crucial to ensuring that decentralization serves as a viable governance reform rather than a replication of existing inefficiencies at a different administrative level.

Comprehensive Gender Analysis: Women and Men Perspectives on Governance and Political Participation in Hasbaya

The participation of women in governance remains a critical yet underdeveloped aspect of political life in Hasbaya, where traditional gender norms continue to define public and private roles. To explore the realities of women’s engagement in political decision-making, a series of dialogue-based focus groups were conducted with women and young girls from diverse backgrounds and associations. These discussions provided a platform for women to articulate their experiences, challenges, and aspirations in shaping local and national policies. The findings highlight both structural and cultural barriers that have hindered women’s political participation, as well as recent shifts that signal progress toward greater gender inclusion.

The focus groups revealed intergenerational differences in perspectives on women’s participation in politics. Women aged 40 to 55 recalled that, in the past, education was the primary barrier to political engagement, as many were unable to complete their studies due to a lack of family support, the long distance to universities, and restrictions on traveling. These limitations severely impacted their employment opportunities and, by extension, their ability to participate in governance and public affairs. Younger women, by contrast, observed that educational access has improved, and living away from home has become more socially accepted, facilitating their entry into the job market and granting them greater financial independence. However, despite these advancements, younger women still face economic, social, and institutional constraints that limit their ability to engage fully in municipal governance.

The discussions identified five key obstacles that continue to hinder women’s engagement in governance. Social and cultural barriers remain one of the most significant challenges, as traditional norms confine women to family roles and question their eligibility for leadership positions. Participants noted that, even when women express an interest in governance, they often face resistance to their presence in decision-making spaces, including municipal meetings and public forums. Legal and administrative discrimination also plays a role, as there are no legislative guarantees ensuring equal opportunities for women to run for office or hold municipal positions. Many women reported that gender-based discrimination persists in various professional fields, further limiting their access to networks of political influence.

Beyond institutional barriers, the absence of political and professional support networks further weakens women’s ability to establish a presence in local governance. Participants emphasized that men benefit from established political alliances that enable them to run for office, while women lack similar backing, making it difficult for them to compete in elections. Financial constraints also present a major challenge, as many women lack the economic resources to fund their political campaigns or achieve financial independence from their families or spouses. This financial dependence often restricts their ability to make political decisions freely, particularly in communities where women’s economic roles remain limited to unpaid labor within the household. Finally, family-related challenges were a recurring theme, with participants stressing the difficulty of balancing professional, political, and family responsibilities in the absence of policies that support working women in politics. In many cases, spousal or familial opposition directly prevents women from pursuing political careers.

Personal testimonies from participants further illustrate the societal resistance that women face when attempting to enter public life. One woman shared that, when she decided to become a licensed midwife, she faced objections even from her closest relatives, simply because her job required night shifts—something considered socially unacceptable for women in Hasbaya. This anecdote reflects broader societal expectations that restrict women’s mobility and autonomy, ultimately limiting their political engagement as well. Another participant recalled that, during the last municipal elections, female candidates faced direct opposition from community leaders and political figures, who actively urged voters to reject women candidates on the grounds that political office should be reserved for men. This example highlights the structural barriers embedded in electoral culture, where women’s political legitimacy continues to be questioned, even when they meet all the formal qualifications for leadership.

The data also point to the persistence of gender-based exclusion within municipal councils, where women’s representation in Hasbaya remains below 5%, with only four women serving as municipal council members across the entire region. Despite this reality, a growing awareness of women’s rights is emerging among younger generations, with one participant stating that “awareness is contagious”—a reflection of the gradual yet noticeable shift in societal attitudes toward women in leadership. Some participants proposed a radical approach to push for systemic change: a collective women’s movement to boycott elections—both as candidates and as voters—until substantial reforms are implemented to enhance gender inclusion in municipal governance.

At the same time, several testimonies provided examples of progress, albeit on a small scale. In one village, a woman ran for municipal office despite significant societal opposition. While she ultimately lost the election, her candidacy itself was seen as a victory, particularly because of the strong support she received from her husband. Participants emphasized that male allies can play a crucial role in breaking gender barriers, as women’s political ambitions are often constrained not only by external societal pressures but also by resistance from their immediate families.

Despite the ongoing structural and societal barriers, the focus groups also highlighted positive trends that have contributed to enhancing women’s roles in political life. One of the most significant factors driving change has been growing societal awareness, fueled by increased levels of education among young women. Participants noted that as more women pursue higher education and enter the workforce, the perception of women’s roles is gradually evolving, leading to greater acceptance of their political participation. Awareness campaigns and women’s initiatives—many led by civil society organizations—have also played a role in challenging traditional gender norms and advocating for women’s leadership in governance.

In addition, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have contributed to the political empowerment of women by offering training programs, workshops, and leadership development initiatives. However, many participants stressed that these efforts remain insufficient and require more institutional support to produce long-term change. While some women have benefited from NGO-led capacity-building programs, others noted that such initiatives often fail to reach rural and marginalized communities, where traditional gender roles remain deeply entrenched.

Another important factor influencing the increasing visibility of women in governance has been the presence of female role models who have successfully reached leadership positions. The few women who have managed to enter municipal councils or local governance structures serve as powerful symbols of progress, demonstrating that political leadership is not exclusive to men. Participants emphasized the importance of highlighting these role models in public discourse, as their success can encourage more women to break stereotypes and actively pursue political leadership roles.

Table 1: Women’s Perceptions on Governance: Analysis by Age Group and Education Level

Category	18-24 Years (%)	25-34 Years (%)	35-44 Years (%)	45+ Years (%)	Primary Education (%)	Secondary Education (%)	University Education (%)
Perception of Women’s Representation in Municipal Planning	55	58	50	45	30	50
Recognition of Barriers to Women’s Political Participation	60	62	55	50	40	55	75
Experience with Filing Complaints to Municipalities	20	25	18	12	10	18	30
Perceived Impact of Women in Municipal Governance	65	68	60	55	35	60	80
Participation in Municipal Elections	75	78	65	60	50	65	85
Support for Initiatives Encouraging Women’s Involvement	68	70	62	58	45	60	78

The role of women in municipal governance is a crucial indicator of gender inclusivity and democratic participation. The findings from the survey reveal a nuanced and complex landscape, where women acknowledge structural barriers to their political participation while also demonstrating a willingness to engage in governance if institutional and societal conditions improve. This analysis examines women’s perceptions of their representation in governance, their electoral engagement, barriers to political participation, experiences with municipal authorities, and their support for initiatives that promote gender inclusion. By incorporating both quantitative data and qualitative insights, this study offers a comprehensive evaluation of the gendered dimensions of municipal governance in Hasbaya.

1. Women’s Perception of Their Representation in Municipal Planning

The data indicate that 41.3% of female respondents believe that municipalities take women’s needs into account “to some extent,” while the remainder either see limited or no representation of their concerns. This suggests that while there may be efforts to integrate gender perspectives in governance, they remain insufficient or inconsistent. The limited acknowledgment of women’s concerns can be attributed to a governance structure that remains predominantly male-led, where municipal policies are shaped by decision-makers who may not prioritize gender-specific issues. This reflects broader structural inequalities in governance, where women’s voices are present but not institutionally embedded in decision-making. The lack of explicit gender-responsive policies highlights the need for municipal planning processes to be more inclusive, ensuring that women’s priorities are systematically considered rather than being addressed on an ad-hoc basis.

2. Recognition of Barriers to Women’s Political Participation

A significant trend emerges when analyzing the perceived barriers preventing women from fully engaging in municipal governance. The responses indicate that a combination of social, economic, and institutional obstacles continues to limit female political participation. Among the most cited challenges were:

• Cultural and societal norms restricting women’s political engagement
• Lack of financial and institutional support for female candidates
• Limited political networks for women, which prevent them from accessing decision-making spaces

These findings are consistent with broader research on gender and governance, which indicates that women in Lebanon face systematic discrimination when attempting to enter political spaces. The entrenched sectarian and patriarchal structures of Lebanese politics often place women at a disadvantage, limiting their access to political leadership roles. While there has been progress in gender advocacy and representation in some municipalities, these efforts have not translated into widespread systemic change. The data underscore the need for targeted reforms, such as financial support mechanisms for female candidates, the establishment of women’s political networks, and legal frameworks ensuring gender parity in local elections.

3. Experience with Filing Complaints to Municipalities

One of the most revealing insights from the survey is the limited direct engagement between women and municipal authorities. The data show that only a small percentage of women have ever filed a complaint or request with their local municipality, and those who did often reported inadequate responses. This finding raises concerns about the accessibility and responsiveness of municipal services to women’s needs. The low levels of interaction between women and municipal authorities suggest that municipal governance structures may not be sufficiently gender-sensitive, either due to bureaucratic inefficiencies, lack of outreach efforts, or societal perceptions that discourage women from directly engaging with political institutions. The absence of clear, gender-inclusive complaint mechanisms suggests a wider issue of exclusion, where municipal services and decision-making processes are not designed to be fully accessible to all citizens, particularly women.

4. Perceived Impact of Women in Municipal Governance

Despite the challenges identified, there remains a strong belief among female respondents that greater representation of women in municipal councils would lead to tangible improvements in governance. A significant percentage of respondents expressed the view that having more women in local councils would enhance service delivery, particularly in sectors that disproportionately impact women, such as healthcare, education, and community development. This aligns with global research indicating that women in political leadership tend to prioritize policies related to social welfare, transparency, and inclusive governance.

The survey results suggest that women recognize their own potential role in improving governance structures but feel that existing systems do not adequately facilitate their participation. This perception is crucial because it signals an underlying willingness to engage in governance if structural and institutional barriers are addressed. It also reinforces the need for quota systems or affirmative action policies that ensure women have meaningful representation in municipal councils, rather than remaining underrepresented in decision-making roles.

5. Women’s Participation in Municipal Elections

The survey findings suggest high levels of electoral engagement among women, with 61.4% reporting that they always participate in municipal elections, considering them an important civic duty. However, the remaining percentage either participate irregularly or base their decision on the political context at the time. This suggests that while many women are politically active, others may be discouraged from participating due to political instability, lack of viable female candidates, or disillusionment with governance structures. The high turnout among women who consistently vote underscores their political awareness and desire to influence decision-making. However, the challenge remains in translating voter engagement into active political representation.

The data highlight that while women recognize the importance of voting, they do not always see it as a sufficient mechanism for change. Many respondents expressed concerns that elections remain dominated by sectarian affiliations and political elites, which limits the impact of individual votes in advancing gender-inclusive policies. This points to a broader need for electoral reforms that empower women not only as voters but also as candidates and political leaders.

6. Support for Initiatives Encouraging Women’s Involvement in Governance

The final area of analysis focuses on the initiatives that women believe would most effectively support their political participation. Among the most frequently suggested solutions were:

• Creating women-led political mentorship and training programs
• Providing financial assistance for female candidates running for municipal office
• Promoting civic education campaigns that highlight women’s rights in governance

The emphasis on mentorship and training programs suggests that women recognize the need for knowledge-sharing platforms where aspiring female leaders can gain the skills and networks necessary for political success. The demand for financial support mechanisms also indicates that economic barriers remain a major obstacle for women entering politics. Unlike male candidates, who often benefit from well-established political and financial networks, women face significant difficulties in fundraising and campaign management.

Another key takeaway is the importance of civic education initiatives, which suggests that many women believe the broader public must be sensitized to the value of female participation in governance. This reflects a recognition that systemic change requires shifts not only in policy but also in societal attitudes. The responses indicate that women do not see political participation as an isolated issue but rather as part of a broader movement for gender equality in Lebanon.

Table 2: Men’s Perceptions on Women’s Participation in Governance: Analysis by Age Group and Education Level

Category	18-24 Years (%)	25-34 Years (%)	35-44 Years (%)	45+ Years (%)	Primary Education (%)	Secondary Education (%)	University Education (%)
Role of Men in Supporting Women’s Participation	70	72	60	50	6	50	74
Perceived Impact of Women in Municipal Governance	60	62	50	35	20	40	70
Equality in Electoral Participation	40	42	35	30	25	35	50
Challenges Facing Women in Municipal Participation	55	58	50	45	30	45	60
Men’s Perceptions of Their Own Role in Gender Inclusion	65	67	55	40	30	50	70

The analysis of men’s perceptions on women’s participation in governance, categorized by age and education, reveals significant trends in attitudes toward gender inclusivity in municipal decision-making. The data indicate that younger and more educated men are more likely to support women’s participation, while older and less-educated respondents display more skepticism or indifference. In examining the role of men in supporting women’s participation, the findings demonstrate that 70-72% of men aged 18-34 believe that men should actively encourage women to engage in governance, whereas support drops to 50% among men over 45. This generational divide suggests that younger men, influenced by contemporary discourse on gender equality, are more open to inclusive governance, whereas older men, having grown up in a political landscape dominated by traditional power structures, exhibit more passive attitudes. Education further reinforces this divide, as 74% of university-educated men advocate for gender inclusion, compared to only 6% of those with a primary-level education. These disparities suggest that exposure to higher education contributes significantly to shifting perceptions on gender roles in governance.

When assessing whether increasing female representation in municipal councils improves governance, the trend remains consistent. Among younger respondents, 60-62% perceive that women enhance service delivery, whereas only 35% of men over 45 share this view. The belief that governance quality depends on competence rather than gender is more prevalent among older respondents, reflecting a traditional perspective that politics should remain merit-based rather than actively inclusive. Education also plays a critical role, with 70% of university graduates supporting the idea that women contribute positively to municipal governance, while only 20% of primary-educated men express the same sentiment. These findings suggest that higher levels of education foster a more nuanced understanding of governance dynamics, while lower education levels correlate with rigid gender perceptions.

The issue of electoral equality further highlights the role of education in shaping men’s perspectives. The data indicate that younger men (40-42%) are more likely to recognize that, while electoral laws may be formally neutral, societal norms create substantial barriers for women’s political participation. Conversely, 60% of men over 45 believe that men and women have equal opportunities in elections, failing to account for structural inequalities. University graduates (50%) are more inclined to acknowledge these challenges, whereas only 25% of primary-educated men recognize gender-based electoral disadvantages. This suggests that younger and more educated respondents are more likely to critically assess legal frameworks, understanding that formal equality does not necessarily translate into substantive political inclusion.

Further analysis of perceived challenges facing women in municipal participation reveals that younger respondents (55-58%) are more likely to identify financial and institutional barriers as key obstacles, whereas older men (45%) are more likely to attribute women’s underrepresentation to a lack of leadership experience or ambition. This reflects a persistent belief among older generations that women’s exclusion is self-imposed rather than systemic. A similar trend is observed in education levels, with 60% of university graduates recognizing institutional barriers, compared to 30% of primary-educated men, who are more inclined to attribute the gender gap to personal choice. These findings illustrate how both generational and educational factors influence the extent to which men perceive women’s exclusion as a structural issue rather than an individual decision.

The final category, assessing men’s perceptions of their own role in gender inclusion, reinforces these patterns. Younger men (65-67%) are more likely to view themselves as active allies in promoting women’s participation, whereas older men (40%) demonstrate a more passive stance, believing that men do not have a defined role in encouraging gender inclusivity. Education remains a decisive factor, as 70% of university graduates advocate for men playing a supportive role, while only 30% of primary-educated respondents share this view. This disparity underscores the impact of education in fostering a proactive approach to gender inclusivity, suggesting that increasing educational access and awareness campaigns could shift perceptions, particularly among older and less-educated men.

The findings demonstrate a clear correlation between age, education, and attitudes toward gender inclusivity in municipal governance. Younger and more educated men consistently exhibit greater support for women’s participation, acknowledge structural barriers to electoral equality, and advocate for institutional reforms to promote gender equity. Conversely, older and less-educated men are more likely to uphold traditional views, perceive electoral systems as already equitable, and attribute women’s underrepresentation to personal choice rather than systemic exclusion. These trends suggest that policy interventions should prioritize educational programs and awareness campaigns targeting older and less-educated demographics to bridge the gap in gender perceptions. Expanding civic education initiatives, integrating gender-sensitive curricula, and promoting mentorship programs could serve as effective strategies to cultivate a more inclusive governance model. By addressing generational and educational disparities, Lebanon can move toward a municipal governance structure that is more representative, equitable, and responsive to the needs of all citizens.

6. Policy Recommendations: Strengthening Local Governance Through Legal and Decentralization Reforms

Lebanon’s municipal governance structure is at a critical juncture. The upcoming 2025 municipal elections offer a rare opportunity to enact meaningful reforms that address the governance failures, inefficiencies, and lack of public trust in municipal institutions. The findings from this study, derived from focus groups and survey responses in Hasbaya, illustrate the urgent need for legal and institutional reforms at the local level, particularly within the framework of municipal law and decentralization policy. A well-structured decentralization model could serve as a foundation for broader reforms, improving transparency, accountability, and citizen participation in municipal affairs.

The research highlights three key policy priorities:

1. Legal Reforms to Strengthen Municipal Governance and Citizen Participation

The 1977 Municipal Law continues to govern local governance structures in Lebanon. However, this outdated legal framework does not reflect the realities of contemporary municipal governance and fails to establish clear mechanisms for public participation, financial autonomy, and municipal oversight. Survey data indicate that over 50% of citizens in Hasbaya view their municipalities as inefficient, lacking transparency, and failing to meet their needs. Furthermore, focus groups revealed that many residents lack awareness of municipal responsibilities and decision-making processes, which weakens public trust in governance institutions.

2. Decentralization as a Mechanism for Improving Service Delivery and Local Representation

Decentralization reform has been debated in Lebanon for decades, yet progress has been stalled due to political resistance and institutional inertia. The Taif Agreement (1989) explicitly called for administrative decentralization, yet this commitment has not been fully implemented. Survey findings from Hasbaya indicate that 70.1% of respondents support greater decentralization, citing inefficiencies in the central government’s ability to support municipalities. However, 18.1% of respondents admitted that they lack a clear understanding of decentralization, highlighting the need for public awareness campaigns and structured policy communication.

3. Gender-Inclusive Governance to Ensure Women’s Political and Electoral Participation

The participation of women in municipal governance remains severely limited, with female representation in Hasbaya below 5%. Survey data indicate that while 61.4% of women actively participate in municipal elections, they face systemic barriers to running for office. Focus group discussions emphasized that cultural norms, lack of financial independence, and legal constraints continue to hinder women’s political engagement.

These recommendations are based on quantitative and qualitative findings from the study, including public dissatisfaction with municipal governance, the role of municipal unions, and the barriers to political engagement for women and youth. Addressing these challenges requires a legal and institutional overhaul that empowers local governments, enhances fiscal autonomy, and ensures an inclusive governance framework.

7. Rebuilding Local Governance in Lebanon: Lessons from Hasbaya’s Post-War Challenges and the Path Toward Reform

The timing of this study coincides with a period of profound political and socio-economic upheaval in Lebanon, exacerbated by the 2024 war between Lebanon and Israel. The conflict heavily impacted Hasbaya province, particularly the Al-Arkoub region, where villages suffered extensive infrastructure damage and significant disruptions to local governance. In addition to the direct consequences of the war, Lebanon continues to face a prolonged governance crisis, with municipal institutions struggling to function effectively due to administrative neglect, financial constraints, and political instability. Amid these challenges, the country is preparing for its first municipal elections since 2016, scheduled for May 2025. However, the prolonged postponement of local elections, coupled with the dissolution of over 100 municipalities, has significantly weakened local governance structures. The inability of municipal authorities to effectively respond to both war-related destruction and long-standing governance failures highlights the urgent need for structural reforms that strengthen municipal autonomy, improve service delivery, and enhance citizen participation. The systemic issues observed in Hasbaya—political exclusion, weak municipal accountability, and skepticism toward local governance—are not unique to the region but reflect deeper structural problems that require urgent policy interventions. The study underscores the need for further research to assess the long-term implications of decentralization reform, municipal restructuring, and the evolving role of local governance in Lebanon’s post-war recovery. Given the historical marginalization of local authorities in national decision-making, more research is required to evaluate the feasibility and impact of policy changes aimed at strengthening municipal autonomy and improving governance transparency.

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